First it looked unbelievable and yet very real when one of the local television stations during the 9:00pm o’clock news on 23^rd April continually showed scenes in which a police officer repeatedly squeezed the breasts of one of the opposition women leaders of Forum for Democratic Change. This was supposedly in an attempt to arrest and stop her from traveling to the venue where Activists for Change a political pressure group was re-launching their organization. It was this incident that has caused many well-known women activists and new ones as well to publicly protest the lack of respect in which Ingrid Turinawe, the survivor of the violence was handled. Many have summed it up as sexual assault and a brutal way in which any woman should never be treated.

Women activists however refused to be silent. The following day they mobilized and marched to the central police station in Kampala holding placards to protest what they called the police’s continuous brutality and demanded for the suspension of the police officer in question including the resignation of the Inspector General of Police for his apparent failure in handling peaceful demonstrations. Two of  the women striped to their bras as they informed the police of how they had brought  more breasts for them to press and squeeze if that was their new strategy of stopping them from peacefully assembling and expressing themselves. The behaviour of the police man in question has been regarded as humiliating by the minister of Ethics and similarly decried by other parties that have continuously called for respect of citizens’ right to free assembly. They also cautioned the opposition and civil society activists on remaining peaceful and within the confines of the law.

While Ingrid undergoes treatment for a swollen chest and a painful breast after the brutal handling, many Ugandans are locked in formal and informal debates about how far the government and the police will go just to stop the opposition. The incident happened at a time when a petition by the civil society leaders to the speaker of parliament is in the pipeline over what they have called ‘the systematic attempt by the state to use sexual assault as a political weapon’. In their plea, civil society leaders under the umbrella Uganda Governance Monitoring Platform want parliament to challenge all acts of brutality by men and women in uniform and also speed up the enactment of the Anti-torture bill, review the public order management bill and other bills attendant to the prevention of abuse of human rights.

Article 19 of the UDHR states that “Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers”. The ICCPR correspondingly reiterates the same in article 19 although in paragraph 3 it is mentioned of  how this particular right  carries with it special duties and responsibilities where it may therefore be subject to certain restrictions although shall only be such as are provided by law and are necessary  for:

• Respect of rights or reputations of others;

• For the protection of national security or of public order or morals.

While I am certain the people behind these rights meant well, I fear it is these very restrictions provided for that could be abused especially by governments in young democracies like Uganda to meet their ends especially regarding freedoms related to information and expression through media.

The government three weeks ago tabled a bill which once passed into law would give the state legal powers to influence the content of what is aired and transmitted by all media houses. The new bill is intended to regulate broadcasting, telecommunication and postal service providers by creating a new body called the Uganda Communication Regulatory Body which in effect will disband the currently existing Uganda Communication Commission and broadcasting council. The proposed law would go a step further to tighten the process of acquiring licenses for radio and television operators. But more worrying for the state of media freedom in the country is the intention to hand to the government the power to control the operations of broadcast houses; for instance, for one to obtain a licence the bill sets a condition for the “provision of service on priority service to the government or specified organisation”. What this means is that government will make it a requirement that any broadcast house publishes its propaganda material or that of allied agencies as and when it deems fit. Another issue included in the bill is one related to prohibiting the publication of material which infringes on the privacy of any individual or which contains false information. The question which ensues is; what happens when “privacy” becomes an issue of public concern? The issue of slipping in a clause of false information and privacy has been often used by officials the broadcast council said and wealthy businessmen to silence critical reporting which could actually be true.

In 2004, the Supreme Court struck down the law against publication of false news, declaring it unconstitutional following a protracted appeal by two local journalists. The bill also hands down a fine of about 2 million Uganda shillings or a four year jail term upon conviction for anyone who intercepts government communication. While the proposal is silent about email communication, it worries journalists who for instance may report a story from a source who will not want his identity revealed about a curious radio communication issued by say the military. To sum it all, the bill is packed with just enough ammunition for state control, handing the government leeway to take full control of any communication station in Uganda for at least a year in the event of a state of emergency (as per article 101 of the constitution). Regarding private mail by post, the proposal hands the director general to examine the mail if the authority believes the article contains “prohibited subject matter” or items deemed threatening, obscene or of “grossly offensive character.” This has already attracted wide spread discontent as some people assert it as a gross invasion of privacy with intentionally vague wording to allow the authority free access to intercept individuals mail.

Yet another issue proposed is the mandatory registration of Television Sets (TV) by any person who owns one, failure of which elicits a fine not exceeding Shs 50,000/= or imprisonment for not less than one month. A media policy analyst found this rather unrealistic in county where TV coverage is still small with perhaps 20 people owning TV’s per every 1,000. Rather than encouraging people to acquire TV sets and access information, the fees would be a disincentive which deems this a poor decision taken. The contentious bill currently is before the parliament’s Information Communication Technology (ICT) committee awaiting scrutiny. However, this proposal shows how governments whose responsibility is to promote and protect such freedoms as rights to freedom of expression and opinion through in this case the media may go round to use certain clauses knowingly or unknowingly to their own end if not challenged.

By: Yossa Immaculate Daisy

International Women’s Day (IWD) celebrated every 8^th of March may have passed, but the opinions of listeners on one of the local radio stations I tuned in on that morning still lingers in my mind. For over 50% of the listeners to believe that the day is “not relevant” anymore but just another “public holiday” got me really perplexed, more baffling and saddening were the female voices who also thought so. It is then that I realized that even with all the information we have at our disposal, many people do not read and research; otherwise the genesis but more so the relevance of this day would not be questioned.

Recognized as a global day on which the economic, political and social achievements of women past, present and future are celebrated; inUgandait was made a national holiday 21 years ago. National celebrations often take place in a district carefully chosen by the government during which the general population is invited. It’s during this celebration that aside from the music presentations and drama/skits that characterize the day, many look back to examine milestones reached, challenges still faced and the gaps still existent regarding attaining gender equality, including the empowerment women. The theme this year of “connecting girls, inspiring futures” was thus timely in an era when girls strive to assert themselves in positions formerly classified as forbidden to them.

While we commemorated IWD which came at a time when Uganda as a country marked 50 years of independence, I took time to weigh the “pains” that the Ugandan woman still has to endure and the “gains” that have been made thus far as the government endeavors to create a gender equal society.

Gains

• The country has registered commendable progress in the area of political participation in decision making. The constitution ofUgandaguarantees gender balance and fair representation of marginalized groups. Article 33 of theUgandaconstitution guarantees women the right to affirmative action which action and policy extends to leadership of opportunities for women. In the current parliament, women make up 35% and women ministers also make up 35%. As a multi party democracy, a number of women are also actively involved in politics at party level and local councils from local council one to five in all districts of the country.

• Education is a basic human right and key to the empowerment of women.  Achieving gender equality in education in Uganda has been regarded as a human right. Benefits of education include; income growth, higher wages and social benefits which include reducing gender based violence, healthier and better educated families. The government of Uganda to this effect has enacted policies and actions to correct imbalances created by cultural and historical biases which disadvantaged women in the past. For example, initiating affirmative action for girls, introduction of Universal Primary and Secondary education  which have increased the enrollment of the girls in school and significantly reduced the gender parity gap in the education sector. A national strategy for girls education was also formulated which addresses gender issues especially those which cause girls to drop out of school.

• Specific legislations have also been enacted to offer an enabling environment for young girls and women to live free of violence and non discrimination. For example, laws on labour that promote women’s rights in the work place, including prohibition of sexual harassment; the succession act which allows for widows and widowers to inherit property of their deceased spouses and to enjoy parental rights over their children, the Female Genital Mutilation Act 2010 which bans the practice of FGM, the Marriage and Divorce bill 2009 yet to be passed but currently re-tabled in parliament as cases in point.

• Great success has been made in reducing HIV/AIDS transmission at childbirth under the Prevention of Mother to Child Transmission (PMTCT) programme.

• Under expanding social protection, the ministry of Gender, Labour and Social development is currently providing direct income support in the form of senior citizen grants and a vulnerable family support grant for poor and impoverished households. The majority of the beneficiaries of this grant are older women without any other form of income security. The grant also supports these women to empower their granddaughters to access good quality health, education and sanitation services. These services are vital to their reproductive health and rights, human capital development, economic wellbeing and dignity thereby inspiring the girl child to effectively participate in and benefit from Uganda’s socio-economic transformation.

• In a bid to enhance women equality and development at the regional and global level, Uganda endorsed the protocol on the rights of women and the African Union solemn declaration on gender and equality. The country is also signatory to the Convention on Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW).

• Employment of women in all key sectors of the economy has also greatly increased. Since independence, women have made breakthroughs in fields long considered outside their traditional roles as wives, mothers and caretakers. They are now in the fast lane of politics, business, media, academia, law, entertainment, sports among other areas.

Pains the Ugandan woman still has to endure:-

• Maternal Health Issues. Uganda is still one of those countries in which pregnant mothers are unsafe. Every day an average of 16 women die in childbirth which is approximately 5,800 deaths each year from causes like hemorrhage, infections, anemia, high blood pressure leading to seizures and prolonged labour (UDHS). Loosing 16 women per day puts Uganda far off the millennium development goal five of reducing maternal mortality to atleast 130 by 2015.

• Gender based violence. The Ugandan woman is still widely abused, molested, oppressed, exploited and marginalized in many different ways.

• Female genital mutilation. As a cultural practice it is an unnecessary cruel and inhuman treatment that young girls are coerced into, leading to death through bleeding, infection and disease, and difficulty during child birth. The practice continues to exist even with existing laws that criminalize the practice. Hopefully, it will be completely wiped out with the current policies and actions being undertaken.

• High drop out rate of the girl child from school. The enrollment through universal primary and secondary education may be high; unfortunately not all of them complete their secondary education.

• Child mothers due to cultural practices that marry off girls at a very young age, for instance 12 years in some regions. This is one of the worst form of abuse because those expected to protect them, parents, do not.

• Health service delivery. The eve of IWD here inUgandasaw women activists tie themselves with sisal ropes on trees for thirty minutes in solidarity with the mothers of children suffering from the nodding disease syndrome. However, in a way they were also protesting government’s failure to handle and manage the disease which has so far killed over 200 children from northernUgandaand yet its root cause remains uncertain. The tying of the ropes symbolized what the parents have to go through as they tie their own children to trees in order to have them in one place to stop them from falling and hurting and injuring themselves each time they fall. This gesture shows a severe gap in health service delivery by the government whose mandate is to ensure peoples right to good health and access to medical attention

• The rural woman still bears the brunt of domestic chores single handedly. Sadly, inspite of doing so much her contribution is not usually recognized and honored, and she often times is not assisted by her husband. The women also rarely access same resources like their urban counterparts.

To those who thought the 8^th of March was just like any other day and felt the day was not worth celebrating and was of no relevance, I ask you to look around. You will be dazed by what you see and hear.

First tabled on the floor of parliament in 2009, the bill was shelved citing “time constraints” and “controversial” clauses in the bill by sections of the public who said it needed re-examination. However, many women will have something to smile about when this bill is finally passed into law. Currently retabled in parliament, the bill intends to reform and consolidate the law relating to marriage, separation and divorce; to provide for the types of recognized marriages inUganda, marital rights and duties, recognition of cohabitation in relation to property rights, grounds for breakdown of marriage, rights of parties on dissolution of marriage and related matters. The intention is to address the gender issues therein that affect family and married women lives. Other key issues the bill highlights are:

• Abolition of widow inheritance which had become an acceptable practice among many tribes in the country. Yet, this practice not only abused the freedom of such women to choose freely the person of their choice with whom to relate but also put their lives at risk of acquiring diseases especially HIV/AIDS.
• Bride price made optional. In a society where almost all cultures and tribes value and require a payment of bride price set by the family of the woman. The practice has over the years become a source of domestic violence in families in which women are beaten and treated with no respect because of the belief and idea that she is “property” of the man because she was “bought”. Making it optional therefore and its purpose reviewed would contribute to reducing on the incidences of violence against women brought about by payment of this bride price.

When publicized in 2009, it was received with widespread approval as well as criticism at the same time by different people. For the latter, moral and cultural issues needed to be protected while the former viewed the bill as the best thing that could save the Ugandan woman from oppression in marriage and go along way to promote and protect her rights as a woman. There were also those sections of the population who just needed to be sensitized about the bill, its provisions and overall intentions.

In a patriarchical society that Uganda still is, protection of women continues to be a necessity for their own advancement and their families. The bill would go along way to curb and subsequently prevent domestic violence against women. This bill once made law would also complement the already existing domestic violence act, in a country where over 60% of women have been subjected to domestic physical abuse and over 30% suffered from sexual abuse according to research by the Uganda Demographic and Health Survey. The bill I believe therefore intends to protect women and their rights, build stronger families and facilitate peaceful co-existence between women and men.

By: Yossa Immaculate Daisy

Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) is a cultural ritual practiced in a number of countriesUgandainclusive. In this part of the world, it is practiced in three main tribes of the Pokot, Sabiny and Tepeth all found in the eastern part of the country. It is one of those rituals “believed” to initiate all girls from childhood to adulthood. The practice is a form of torture, cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment that young girls undergo without their will and consent which puts their lives at risk.

Girls as young as 12 years once circumcised are married off to older men. Additionally, because of the way it is done, the practice is said to reduce or   worse still permanently terminate a woman’s sexual feelings during intercourse. Situations where girls die have also been brought to light from this process. These often times are through infections due to the rudimentary way of doing it and the unclean knives/blades used. Other causes of death have been instances where the victims loose too much blood and yet not given the necessary medical care. Unfortunately, this practice has persisted because of the cultural attitude of the people that does not value education for the women and therefore girls are unable to continue with school. The high levels of illiteracy among women and their poor economic status doesn’t make matters any better.

Uganda joined the rest of the world to celebrate the International Day of zero tolerance to FGM on February 6^th.2012. The theme was “community approach, community involvement in the elimination of Female Genital Mutilation”. Through community involvement it is envisaged that peoples attitudes will change towards a culture that is supportive of the social and economic empowerment of girls and women, remarked the UNFPA country representative inUganda. It is similarly hoped that communities and leaders would realize that it is education not genital cutting that should be the new alternative for measuring the value of girls and young women. Once girls choose to go to school where they are able to get more information, in the long run they are in a better position to resist this practice. They become exposed to the realities and realize that FGM is harmful and ends their educational life.

Through dialogue by means of educating the very people who practice it to teach against it, some milestones are being reached in these communities inUganda. They make use of the very people who are part of such societies but have snubbed such archaic practices to talk about the dangers of FGM. Sensitization has also been another avenue through which the communities are reached. Through partnerships like the Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Devolvement in Uganda and UNICEF, UNFPA as cases in point, support is given for community activism to accelerate FGM abandonment. Media campaigns and workshops with key stakeholders like community leaders, religious leaders, influential elderly women and former mutilators has seen much change in the practice through these people. Personal testimonies from those who opted not to undergo FGM have also worked to avert those who would have embraced this practice.

FGM is a practice that needs to be wiped out. It not only degrades a woman but restricts her from enjoying other rights that she is entitled to as a woman.

Human rights are well regarded as those absolute fundamental freedoms to which a person is inherently entitled simply because one is a human being. The right to a peaceful assembly and association and right to freedom of movement are just a few of those rights as stipulated in Article 20 and 13 respectively of the UDHR.

 Uganda is one of the countries state party to the UDHR and the binding treaties of the ICCPR and ICESCR. To this effect, the 1995Ugandaconstitution carefully tackles within all the chapters and specifically chapter four is devoted to human rights.  These cover the civil political as well as social economic and cultural rights.

 While this earns the government a plus, the comprehension among Ugandans of their human rights let alone what human rights are is another subject altogether. While the elite may probably prove otherwise, the illiterate who make up over 50% of the population may show otherwise. The few translations of the constitution in the local languages hasn not made matters any better. How then can the general population hold the government in the respect of human rights accountable remains a paradox? It’s thus left to a few individuals who include lawyers, members of academia and other elite. Institutions like the Uganda Human Rights Commission and other International Agencies like Amnesty International and Human Rights watch come in to play a number of roles which range from supervisory, advisory, oversight and monitoring state obligations to human rights promotion and protection among other duties.

In the face of the hard financial times as we came to the close of 2011, characterized by skyrocketing prices of essential commodities especially fuel in Uganda, pressure group-organization Activists for Change emerged. The purpose was to mobilize the masses for collective action as a signal to the government to act. This was pushed by the government’s apparent laxity to get a solution to the high increase in fuel prices which affected almost every other sector of the economy and livelihood of the general population. A pressure group, comprised of members from different political parties mainly from the opposition, they launched the walk to work campaign. Through this drive, they urged citizens from all parts of the country to peacefully walk to work as opposed to using commuter taxis or their personal vehicles because of high fuel prices. The mass following the activists received during this campaign was seen as a security threat and an attempt to “overthrow the government”. Critics wondered how civilians walking to work unarmed would overthrow a government but more perplexing was how walking to work became a crime, as people were arrested for this act of walking to work. We wondered then what had happened to freedom of movement (Article 13 of the UDHR) especially in ones own country.

 Then came 2012- the economic situation hasn’t changed much. A4C which stands for Activists for Change as they are now popularly known thought of other means of educating the masses about the government’s role in the face of hard economic times. Through their networks, this time round they mobilized the masses to convene at different venues/locations for a peaceful talk and to dialogue about the issues affecting majority of them including corruption, inflation among other issues. As has been the case, the police first came out strongly to condemn the gatherings stating that they had not been notified. Even upon receiving written notifications, they said it was not enough as approval it was later learnt needed to be sought before they could go ahead. With knowledge of their rights, the activists did not give up as they continually stated it was their right to peacefully assemble and to associate.

 After a long rigorous process to convene as planned, the green light was finally signaled and a couple of the meetings organized were held successfully under tight security of the police. Critics then wondered what was wrong after all if all went on well. This was until, they were warned about the information that they pass across during the gathering which if not revised, the “associations” and “assemblies” would be stopped or even worse they would be held accountable. All these events have served to question the role of the state-in this case Uganda in promoting its citizens human rights, the rights to free movement and free association as well as protecting these same  rights.  Shouldn’t there be a meaningful system in place to guarantee citizens rights without being pessimistic and wiry of the opposition? InUganda’s case, the system may be in place but its role is yet to be feasible especially when seen through the lens of young multi-party politics.

The sister of Feroz Ahmad Malik mourns his death as the funeral procession makes its way through the city of Srinagar. Feroz was killed when authorities indiscriminately opened fire on the city. His death led to massive protests in Srinagar.

The summer of 2010 produced Pakistan’s worst flooding in 80 years. More than 1,500 people have been killed and hundreds of thousands have been stranded by the flooding.

Mohamed Bouazizi, a Tunisian street vendor set himself on fire on 17 December 2010, in protest to the confiscation of his wares and constant harassment by authorities. Bouazizi’s death became a catalyst for the Tunisian Revolution inciting demonstrations and riots throughout the region in protest to social and political issues. The public demonstrations eventually led president Zine El Abidine Ben Ali  to step down on 14 January 2011, after 23 years in power.

Officials in protective gear check for signs of radiation on children who are from the evacuation area near the Fukushima Daini nuclear plant in Koriyama, Japan, following the earthquake and tsunami in March.

Bibi Aisha an Afhan woman was disfigured after fleeing her husband’s home. Aisha’s father promised her to a Taliban fighter when she was 12 years old and she was married at 14. After being abused by her husband’s family, she fled to her parents home. In the middle of the night a group of men showed up at her parents house and forced them to give her up. The men took her into the mountains and cut off her nose and her ears, leaving her to die. Aisha was rescued by and taken to a shelter run by the aid organization Afghan Women For Women.

Police spray Ugandan opposition party leaders with colored water during demonstrations in the capital Kampala. President Museveni, in power for 25 years, accused the opposition of trying to spread chaos to avenge their defeat in February’s disputed presidential elections. The tactic of spraying paint at protesters is fairly common in Uganda, spraying protesters a distinctive color makes it difficult for people to escape the authorities.

A student demonstrator is punched by a police officer while participating in a protest in Chile. The student demonstrations in Chile began as a protest over the costs, profits, and fairness of higher education. They continued to attract other segments of Chilean society venting frustration over wages, health care, and other issues.

Pamphlets are hurled by workers and teachers of public education toward congressmen during a protest against a new law on public education during a session of the Chilean congress in Valparaiso on April 20, 2011.

The worst drought in 60 years hit the Horn of Africa region in 2011. Thousands of Somalians fled their homes in search of water, food and aid. Mihag Gedi Farah, a seven-month-old child, is held by his mother in a field hospital of the International Rescue Committee in the town of Dadaab, Kenya.

Women flee the bombing at Oslo. Anders Behring Breivik was the orchestrator behind the pair of attacks in Oslo that killed at least 92 people. Brevik left behind a detailed manifesto outlining his preparations and calling for a Christian war to defend Europe against the threat of Muslim domination.

Occupy Wall Street began September 17, 2011 in Zuccotti Park, located in New York City’s financial district. The movement has since sparked Occupy movements in numerous cities across the United States and the world. The protests are against social and economic inequality, high unemployment, greed and corruption. The slogan of the movement “We Are the 99%” refers to the growing disparity in income and wealth between the wealthiest 1% and the rest of the population in the U.S.

After a peaceful demonstration at UC Davis, a video spread of an officer in riot gear blasting pepper spray into the faces of seated protesters. In the video, the officer a member of the university police force, sprays the seated students in a sweeping motion while walking back and forth.The incident incited a massive public outcry.

The national security team receives an update on the mission against Osama bin Laden in the Situation Room of the White House on May 1. Osama bin Laden was killed in Pakistan on May 2, 2011 by a United States special forces military unit.

On 17 February 2011, major political protests began in Libya against Gaddafi’s government. By March of 2011 the country had descended into civil war. A rebel fighter celebrates as rebel forces fire a rocket toward the positions of troops loyal to Libyan ruler Muammar Gaddafi.  On 20 October 2011, Muammar Gaddafi was killed by rebel forces in his home town of Sirte.

Sources: Buzzfeed.com, Global Post

UGANDA.— Enock Nsubuga has been sentenced by a Ugandan court for the brutal murder of gay rights activist David Kato.

The 30 year sentence was passed down by Justice Joseph Mulangira after Nsubuga admitted to have murdered David Kato.

Before he was murdered in January, Kato had been featured in an anti-gay tabloid, The Rolling Stone.

Kato’s name and photograph were included in a list of the African nation’s “top 100 homosexuals.” The front cover of the magazine read “Hang Them” with a picture of David Kato in the background.

According to Kato’s lawyer, the activist had feared for his safety prior to his death, even alerting authorities about his concerns.

Enoch Nsubuga, 22, said that he attacked Kato after Kato made sexual advances towards him.

According to Nsubuga, Kato promised to pay him money for having sex with him.

Nsubuga told authorities that he became upset when Kato did not pay, he then took a hammer from the bathroom and beat Kato to death.

Kato’s twin brother John Mulumba Wasswa said that he approved of the sentence.

“It was obvious that he was responsible … I did not expect anything else to happen,” Wasswa said.

The case drew worldwide condemnation and concern for gay rights.

Homosexuality is illegal in most countries in Africa. In Uganda, homosexual acts are punishable by anywhere from 14 years to life in prison.

According to rights activists, few Africans are openly gay, fearing imprisonment, violence, and discrimination.

UGANDA.— On Monday, Uganda held its first war crimes trial with the official charging of Thomas Kwoyelo, a commander in the Lord’s Resistance Army accused of  nearly 50 civilian murders during the 20-year civil war between the LRA and Ugandan forces .

Kwoyelo was arrested in March 2009 in the Democratic Republic of Congo during a sweep by regional forces against the LRA rebels.

Kwoyelo was charged with 53 counts of willful killing, hostage-taking, destruction of property and causing injury. The charging document read, “All attacks were either committed by him or were carried out with his full knowledge.” Kwoyelo is accused of leading several village raids and killing and abducting civilians in northern Uganda between 1992 and 2005.

“The rebels brutally tortured the women. The accused then ordered his forces to kill all the elderly captives … The rebels embarked on a fatal assault of the captives using guns, clubs and axes,” the charging document reads.

Yorokamu Bamwiine, Uganda’s principal judge, explained, “justice must be done and it is there to be done … This is regardless of who wins or who loses.”

“Domestic war crimes prosecutions are essential to ensuring perpetrators of serious crimes committed during the conflict in northern Uganda do not escape justice,” said Elise Keppler, a member of the Human Rights Watch justice counsel, “But trials must be fair and credible and witnesses need adequate protection. This first trial before the International Crimes Division will test whether these standards are being met.”

Annet Anywar, a resident of Gulu was both shocked and elated by Kwoyelo’s arrest, “I never thought any of the rebel leaders could be brought to face charges… But instead of apologizing, he denies, which annoys me.”

Fighting between the LRA and Ugandan forces claimed the lives of tens of thousands of people, with close to two million people displaced in its aftermath.

Though the war ended in 2006, Kony and his top commanders have continued to elude authorities, continuing to commit atrocities in several neighboring countries.